Although I never had the privilege of knowing personally my
great predecessor, Eric Abbott, I have come to know him through
being Dean of King's College London, and through these annual
lectures. He was the great post-war Dean, who opened up ordination
training to wider groups, started evening classes, educated women
for ministry - one of whom has been regular attendee of these
lectures throughout my time as Dean. In previous lectures, we have
also heard about his work as a spiritual director - and of course,
of his work here in Westminster Abbey. He is buried here with his
epitaph, 'Friend and Counsellor of many, he loved the Church of
England, striving to make this House of Kings a place of pilgrimage
and prayer for all peoples'. Despite this inclusive stress on
'all peoples', I have sometimes thought I heard the sound of
spinning from his grave in some previous lectures! Last year I
passed his service record of twelve years as Dean of King's- so it
is perhaps appropriate to be asked by the other Trustees, including
his great friends, John Robson and Eric James, to give this
22nd annual lecture at this important and particular
time.
Why is it an important and particular time? It is of course 200
years since the abolition of the slave trade - something which
caused great consternation in the Church of England and the
Anglican family in the colonies at that time. Equally today we
face another period of great consternation here and in the
world-wide Communion: so tonight I want to see if there is any
connection between these two debates - about slavery and about
sexuality - to see if one can help us with the other. It also
allows me to draw upon my academic research over the last decade or
more. Of course, slavery and sexuality are two huge topics, as is
my own research - so I hope you will forgive a more broad-brush
approach tonight.
The Crisis in the Anglican Communion
The current argument in the Anglican church over sexuality is
only a recent example of debates about the use of the Bible over
internal church order and polity, or in external application to war
and peace, conquest and colonization. Significantly, often both or
all sides of such debates claim to be 'biblical' and accuse their
opponents of being hidebound by the tradition or betraying it to
the spirit of the age, employing terms such as 'conservative' or
'liberal'. The claim to be 'scriptural' is linked to a desire to
be holy, to preserve the community from error, heresy or sin, and
so those who want to be biblical' can be, or appear to be,
'exclusive' in their attitude towards those with whom they
disagree. Thus Anglican Mainstream's website defines it as 'a
community within the Anglican Communion committed to promote, teach
and maintain the Scriptural truths on which the Anglican Church was
founded. . . Faithfulness to Scripture as God's Word is essential
for sharing the love and purpose of God in Jesus Christ.'
[1]
On the other hand, there is the Inclusive Church network, whose
website states: 'We have a vision of a liberal, open church which
is inclusive of all, regardless of race, gender or sexuality.' Yet
it also goes on to claim, 'We firmly believe that this vision can
and must be rooted in the scriptures.'
[2]
However, frequently,
those who want to be 'inclusive' are accused of abandoning
scripture to suit contemporary culture. Thus Philip Turner, former
Dean of Berkeley Divinity School at Yale, criticizes recent
decisions in the Episcopal Church of the USA: 'in place of the
complex God revealed in Christ Jesus, a God of both judgment and
mercy, a God whose law is meant to govern human life, we now have a
God who is love and inclusion without remainder. The projected God
of the liberal tradition is, in the end, no more than an affirmer
of preferences'.
[3]
So this debate rages between traditional groups and those who
want to be inclusive. The former assume that they are
biblical', while the latter sometimes also claim this. This
is why tonight's lecture is entitled 'Being Biblical?' - with a
question mark - in an attempt to answer the question. The problem
with such debates is that it is often hard to hear each other. All
sides have a position, with a pressure group, with websites and
mailing lists, and people of similar views meet to plan strategy,
motions for Synod, speakers to invite and so forth. There is
little opportunity for differing views to come together - and even
less for a meeting of minds in the midst of tough debate, dare one
even say, in the heat of battle? Yet all of these are Christians,
and we are talking about how we read the Bible, how we understand
and receive God's revelation and how we try to interpret God's will
for his church and the world. There has to be a better way to seek
the divine intention.
Slavery
We need to step back from the current intense debate, where
everybody thinks they already know what everybody else is trying to
say, so that actually nobody is listening to anybody. Instead, can
we look at other debates which were equally intense in the past -
but which are settled now, to see if we can learn anything. This
brings me back to the issue of slavery. This is the
200th anniversary of the British abolition of its
Atlantic slave trade, but, please note, not the abolition of
slavery itself, which continued to be legal for many years both
sides of the Atlantic
[4]
- and unfortunately is still very much with us
even today. Today the debate of two centuries ago is often
portrayed as the slavers' political and commercial power against
the brave abolitionist Christians, especially the evangelicals of
Clapham sect, who wanted to be biblical. Thus the Anglican
Mainstream website claims that 'Those who cited the Bible to
justify their views on supporting slavery based their views
actually on economic theory, not on the Bible.'
[5]
This impression is
reinforced by the film, Amazing Grace, which features Ioan
Gruffudd as William Wilberforce singing Newton's hymn to other MPs
concerned for trade in ports like Liverpool - using the tune we
know today, which was not actually set to those words for another
60 odd years over in America.
But sadly, the caricature that the slavers were just selfish
capitalists and the abolitionists were the only biblical Christians
around is just not true. If anything, it was the other way
around. Slavery was viewed as a biblical' doctrine,
supported by the laws of God and human law, while the abolitionists
were seen as dangerous liberals, preaching sedition and
revolution. This was the time of the American and French
Revolutions, the Declaration of Independence and Thomas Paine's
The Rights of Man. Even in the film, Wilberforce has to
warn Thomas Clarkson about how dangerous the abolitionist cause
could seem. Yet, Thomas Paine only applies the word 'slavery' to
French citizens during the revolutionary period - not to Africans
or the Atlantic trade. Meanwhile, Jefferson and the Founding
Fathers of the Declaration of Independence may have believed 'these
truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' -
but they were all slave-owners, who did not apply these truths to
their slaves. In fact, some origins of abolition began as a tactic
by the British forces in the revolutionary war of independence to
get American slaves to defect. It was extremely successful with
tens of thousands running away to British side. Clarkson's brother
John, against great opposition from authorities in London,
eventually led them back across the Atlantic to found Freetown and
Sierra Leone.
[6]
The 'biblical' case for slavery is clear: early in Genesis,
Noah decrees that, as punishment for seeing him naked, Ham's
descendants will be slaves for Shem and Japheth (Gen. 9.22-27);
Abraham is blessed by God with 'male and female slaves' as a
wealthy slaveowner (Gen. 24.35; for Abraham's slaves, see also Gen.
12.5; 14.14; 20.14). Slaves were part of his estate, property he
passed on to his son Isaac (Gen. 26.12-14). There is provision in
the Mosaic legislation for Israelites to buy and sell slaves, and
how to treat them (see for example, Exodus 21 and Leviticus 25).
Slavery was equally accepted in the New Testament, where slaves are
told to 'obey their masters . . . with enthusiasm' as though
obeying Christ (Eph. 6.5-9; Col.3.22-25; Titus 2.9-10; 1 Peter
2.18-19). Paul returns the runaway slave Onesimus to his master
Philemon, and tells slaves who hear his epistles to 'remain in the
condition in which you were called' (Phm. 12; 1 Cor.
7.20-24).
[7]
Particular attention was drawn to 1 Tim 6.1-6,
where Paul's instructions, 'let all who are under the yoke of
slavery regard their masters as worthy of all honour' are given the
additional dominical authority as 'the sound words of our Lord
Jesus Christ'. All of these texts were common in the biblical
justification for slavery in the early
nineteenth-century.
[8]
It was all undergirded by Romans 13.1-7 with its appeal to
proper law and order. Wayne Meeks and Willard Swartley have both
demonstrated how leading Bible interpreters in universities and
churches alike provided 'biblical' support for the 'scriptural'
doctrine of slavery.
[9]
While today's historical criticism can help,
Meeks concludes that 'it appears to provide no knock-down argument
against such uses of scripture as the apologists for slavery
made'.
[10]
Even after the British abolition of the slave
trade, slavery continued in the southern American states properly
supported by biblical arguments from many theologians, all with
DD's.
[11]
As Swartley concludes, the 'appeal to the
Bible does not in itself guarantee correctness of position. . .
Both sides in the slavery debate used the Bible to support their
positions.'
[12]
The majority, however, were clear that slavery
was biblical and their attitude to abolitionists was bitter, seeing
them as dangerous liberals, undermining the very law of God. As
Albert Taylor Bledsoe, LLD thundered, 'The history of
interpretation furnishes no examples of more willful and violent
perversions of the sacred text than are to be found in the writings
of the abolitionists. They seem to consider themselves above the
scriptures: and when they put themselves above the law of God, it
is not wonderful that they should disregard the laws of
men.'
[13]
So here is a parallel between the abolition controversy two
hundred years ago and our current crisis in the Anglican communion
between those who want to be biblical in upholding the tradition
versus those who are accused of being liberal in their desire to be
inclusive. Yet looking back now, we are all clear that those who
claimed to be biblical were wrong - and the dangerous inclusive
liberals are now seen as inspired by the Bible to bring
freedom.
Apartheid
The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade from West Africa to
the West Indies and America affected other British colonies. In
South Africa, the British authorities in the Cape moved towards the
abolition of slavery there over the next few years. However, the
Boers, from Dutch stock, saw this as further British oppression of
their way of life, which relied upon the labour of the native
peoples. In order to escape abolition, they started the Great
Trek, moving up from the Cape into the interior. This reached its
climax at the battle of Blood River on December 16th
1838, where 500 Afrikaners defeated 20,000 Zulus. Such an
apparently miraculous victory set the tracks for the Boer supremacy
which led eventually to the apartheid regime of South Africa, which
kept the anniversary of Blood River as a day of thanksgiving to
God. Apartheid is thus a direct descendant of the controversy
about the abolition of slavery.
However, apartheid is also the most recent example of this
debate between being biblical and being inclusive. Today, we are
all clear that apartheid was a terrible doctrine, unchristian, evil
and repressive. We praise people like Archbishop Desmond Tutu who
wanted to include blacks in society as those who properly read
their Bibles. When Tutu was told to keep out of politics because
it did not fit with the Bible, he wondered which Bible his
opponents were reading! Again, we have the same debate. Hard
though it may be to understand today, apartheid was a scriptural
doctrine, taught by a reformed, Bible-reading church. Those who
wanted blacks included were dismissed as dangerous liberals,
radicals, or even Communists. They were accused of defending
atheism and violence, and were subject to the whole rigours of the
'total strategy' of an oppressive police state. Even Archbishop
Desmond Tutu as General Secretary of the South African Council of
Churches had to undergo detailed legal scrutiny by the Eloff
Commission in 1982.
[14]
Now it is hard to credit that prayerful, faithful Christians
believed that this evil system was 'biblical'. However, the fact
is that it relied upon biblical passages, similar to those used for
slavery, some of which we shall examine shortly. It was all
undergirded once again by an appeal to Romans 13.1-7 and Paul's
insistence on a proper obedience for the laws of God and human
beings, with the state as the agent of God. This has formed a
focus for my own research over the last decade on how the New
Testament is used in ethics. Being from a politically active
family involved with anti-apartheid beliefs, I used to think that
Afrikaners were all neo-Nazis, and not 'real Christians' at all. I
assumed that they were hypocrites pretending to 'be biblical' as a
fig leaf to cover their exploitation of the black community for
their own advantage.
However, having spent the last decade working on this in South
Africa, I have realised that, even if it was true of some people,
this is an unfair picture over all. The Dutch Reformed Church was,
and is, a reformed Protestant church, priding itself on being
biblical. There has always been a concern for the centrality of
scripture, backed up by excellent faculties of biblical studies and
theology in major universities such as Pretoria or Stellenbosch.
The theological basis for apartheid, or separate development'
as it is best translated, is a report of the Dutch Reformed Church,
significantly entitled Human Relations and the South African
Scene in the Light of Scripture, and formally approved by the
General Synod of the DRC as recently as October
1974.
[15]
Now this is a problem: it is easy to dismiss
the DRC and the Afrikaners as hypocrites hiding behind a biblical
justification. It is much more difficult to face the fact that a
biblically centred church, full of prayerful people, guided by the
Spirit, could have come up with a biblical doctrine that we, only a
few years later, find so abhorrent. Furthermore, it is as
challenging as it is uncomfortable: how can we be so sure that we
are right when we claim to be biblical? Or will future generations
think that we, or parts of our church today, are as misguided in
what we think is biblical now as were those who supported slavery
or apartheid?
Accordingly, I set out to analyse how the Bible was used both to
support apartheid by the Dutch Reformed Church, and also the part
it played in the struggle for liberation as a test case for how the
New Testament is applied to ethics today. The result will finally
be published later this year as Imitating Jesus: An Inclusive
Approach to New Testament Ethics.
[16]
My approach draws
heavily upon my previous work on literary genre as the key to
interpret the New Testament, beginning with my doctoral work on
comparing the gospels to Graeco-Roman biography.
[17]
In this new book, I
analyse the use of the New Testament under apartheid through the
four main literary genres or types of ethical material, namely
rules, principles, paradigms or examples and overall
world-view.
[18]
It's a large study, but let me try briefly to
summarize the results.
Rules
This treats the New Testament as moral handbook and looks for
material in prescriptive form or the genre of commands: the idea is
'for best results, follow the maker's instructions'. Such a
rule-based reading of the Bible fits into a deontological approach
to ethics, to do with moral duty, as Kant, Bonhoeffer or Barth. It
works well with direct instructions like the Ten Commandments or
the Sermon on the Mount but runs into difficulties when deciding
which commands are still binding today, particularly when
contemporary moral dilemmas do not appear in the Bible. The DRC's
Report on Human Relations and the South African Scene in the
Light of Scripture interpreted God's command to 'be fruitful
and multiply' (Gen. 1.28) to include the separate diversity of
peoples, confirmed in Deut. 32.8-9 and Acts 17.26-27 with 'the
boundaries of their territories'.
[19]
Similarly, commands forbidding the
marriage of Israelites with other peoples were used to prohibit
mixed marriages in South Africa under article 16 of the Immorality
Act.
[20]
These instructions and other passages came
together to form what Loubser calls 'the Apartheid
Bible'.
[21]
The Report's approaches to biblical commands were critiqued by
Willem Vorster, Professor of New Testament at the University of
South Africa, Pretoria, who argued that 'the Bible simply becomes
an 'oracle book' of 'proof texts' or 'a book of norms'; furthermore
'both apartheid and anti-apartheid theologians in the NGK [= DRC in
Afrikaans] undoubtedly operate with exactly the same view of
Scripture. The main difference is the (political) grid though
which the Bible is read. . . In essence there is no difference in
the use and appeal to the Bible between apartheid and
anti-apartheid theologians.'
[22]
Principles
Secondly, we step back from specific commands to look for the
principle underlying the texts, such as the love-principle in
Situation Ethics, or the liberation principle in South America.
The problems are which principle to apply and whether the principle
really arises from the text or actually is imposed upon it by the
interpreter. In Gen. 1.28, differing exegeses of the same creation
stories could lead to the contrasting 'principles' of either
separate development' (God made us all different), as argued
by the DRC Report,
[23]
or, on the other hand the principle of 'unity'
(God made us one in our diversity), as argued by Archbishop Tutu
and the liberationists. Equally, the Report handling of the story
of Pentecost in Acts 2.6-11 produced the principle of everyone
hearing 'God's great deeds in our own language' - and so they
justified separate racial churches, according to language groups,
an Afrikaans church, an English church, Xhosa, Zulu and so forth.
On the other hand, Douglas Bax criticised the DRC Report's exegesis
and produced the opposite principle of the Spirit at Pentecost
'breaking down the barriers that separate
humanity'.
[24]
Thus we have the same hermeneutical,
interpretative method of looking for a principle being applied to
the same texts (Creation and Pentecost) - and yet producing two
completely contrasting principles for the pro-apartheid government
and for the liberation struggle. All of which poses the obvious
question, which one is really 'being biblical'?
Paradigms/examples
Bible narratives are the classic stand-by of the Thought for the
Day speaker, or a Sunday morning preacher, recounting a scriptural
story about travelling patriarchs and then saying, 'isn't that just
like you and me'? The immediate problem is the vast culture gap
between the biblical world and our own day - but this did not stop
it being used in South Africa. When the persecuted Huguenots like
the de Villiers, or du Plessis, or all the other French South
African surnames escaped through Holland onto leaky boats which
finally made it round the coast of Africa to the rich and fertile
fields of the Frenchoek valley near Stellensbosch in the Cape,
'flowing with milk and honey', it is no wonder that they opened
their Bibles to the Israelites coming into the Promised Land, and
thought 'that's us! Thanks be to God!' However, this also led them
to view the locals like the natives of Canaan as 'hewers of wood
and drawers of water', and to apply the material in Joshua and
Judges to the Bantu; from such biblical narratives, they derived
prohibitions against mixed marriages, and justified the oppression
and slavery of the native peoples.
[25]
When the British
authorities moved towards the abolition of slavery, then they were
seen like the Egyptians, oppressing the chosen ones of God; so the
Boers moved inland to defeat the Zulus at Blood River and make
their Covenant with God, ceremonially enacted every year on
December 16th at the Vortrekker monument in Pretoria,
modelled on that of the ancient Israelites.
[26]
This Exodus paradigm of God's people escaping from oppression to
the Promised Land also of course influenced European settlers in
north America, where it led to the decimation of the so-called 'red
Indians'; arguably it continues to fuel much of the rhetoric and
self-belief of the Republican Right today. The irony, however, is
that exactly the same Exodus paradigm lies at the heart of much
liberation theology, in South Africa as in South America - and it
led to the black theology which influenced Archbishop Tutu and
Allan Boesak. Once again, we have the awkward situation that the
same biblical story is being used with the same method of
interpretation and application by both sides, with the Afrikaners
as the victims in their own reading, but seen as the oppressors by
the black churches. As a member of the 'colonial remnant', Snyman
links the hermeneutics of the Afrikaans churches with that of
Liberation Theology: 'For the one, God is a God of deliverance.
For the other, he is a conquering god. Same texts, two views, two
experiences.'
[27]
World view
Lastly, we draw even further back to the overall world-view of
the Bible as whole, leading to a biblical theology, like the
Barthian approach of ethicists like Oliver O'Donovan and Michael
Banner. However, the Bible is not a single book, but a collection
of many genres and languages and cultures over many centuries.
Fusing it all into a single vision is difficult - and the Dutch
Reformed Church viewed their understanding of 'human relations in
the light of scripture' as biblical, based upon the whole scheme of
creation-fall-incarnation-redemption, while the liberationists
argued exactly the same for their understanding.
Thus this brief study of the Bible in South Africa leads to a
very disturbing conclusion. We must properly recognize that both
sides believed in the Bible, based their view upon it and often
used the same method of biblical interpretation (whether rules,
principles, examples or world-view) upon the same biblical passages
- yet they came to startlingly different conclusions. It is all
very worrying for current claims of 'being biblical'. We can only
remember the often-quoted letter of Oliver Cromwell to the General
Assembly of the Kirk: 'Is it, therefore, infallibly agreeable to
the Word of God, all that you say? I beseech you, in the bowels of
Christ, think it possible that you may be mistaken.' However, when
we recall that this was the summer of 1650, and Scotland was
supporting Charles II with troops lined up between Cromwell and
Edinburgh, as Anglicans based upon Charles' 1662 Book of Common
Prayer, we have to ask the same question: who was 'being biblical'
and who was mistaken?
A biographical approach to the New Testament
ethics
To move towards an answer, I return to my biographical approach
to the gospels. In my doctoral study, What are the
Gospels?, I argued that classical literary theory and a
comparison with Graeco-Roman biography leads to the conclusion that
the gospels are the same genre as other lives of famous men in the
ancient world.
[28]
Therefore, in order to be biblical, we have to
interpret the gospels according to this genre, in the same way as
other ancient lives were read. Graeco-Roman biography is very
different from modern examples, with the post-Freudian concern for
personality and contemporary interest in celebrity'. The
ancients wanted to depict the subject's character with a portrait
of them through a combination of their deeds and words, through
anecdotes and stories as much as their sayings or speeches.
Furthermore, both the deeds and the words lead up to the person's
death, dealt with in some extended detail in ancient lives, as in
the gospels; often it will also reveal something further about the
person's life, or bring the author's major themes to a climax.
So to be truly biblical and find the heart of Jesus' ethic, we
need to consider both his ethical teaching andhis actual
practice. As Luke puts it, 'In the first book, I wrote about all
that Jesus began to do and to teach' (Acts 1.1). Therefore, we
have to look at Jesus' sayings and sermons, but also at his
actions, in healing, miracles, and the events narrated, in order to
grasp the evangelists' portraits if we are properly to understand
how Jesus' ethics fit into this. Often those who claim to be
biblical appeal to his words, like the Sermon on the Mount, which
are indeed very demanding and rigorous. But to do that alone is to
ignore the biographical genre of the gospels and treat them as just
a collection of ethical teachings. Meanwhile, on the other side,
the desire to be inclusive can appeal to his deeds, to the
narrative about his relationships with people - but again that is
only half the story; it needs not to neglect his teachings. To be
properly biblical requires a biographical approach to the gospels'
portraits of Jesus through his deeds and words, his teachings and
his ministry, and to follow this on through Paul's letters and the
rest of the New Testament. This is what I have been engaged upon
for the last decade. While the example of the use of the Bible
under apartheid forms the test case for my new book, Imitating
Jesus, most of it is taken up with a biographical study of New
Testament ethics through deeds and words, which I would now like to
outline to see if it helps us with being biblical today.
Jesus' teaching
If you ask most people about Jesus of Nazareth, we find what
Goldsmith terms the 'common assumption that Jesus was primarily, or
most importantly, a teacher of morality.'
[29]
Yet, amazingly, the
gospels do not portray Jesus as just a teacher of morality.
Furthermore, to read them as ethical treatises or for moral
guidance is to make a genre mistake, for that is not what they
are. They are biographical portraits of Jesus which do include
some examples of his teaching. However, Jesus' ethical teaching is
not a separate and discrete set of moral maxims, but part of his
main proclamation of the kingdom of God as God's reign and
sovereignty are recognized in the here and now. Such preaching is
primarily intended to elicit a whole-hearted response from his
hearers to live as disciples within the community of others who
also respond and follow, more than to provide moral instructions to
be obeyed. When he touched upon the major human moral experiences,
such as money, sex, power, violence, and so forth, Jesus
intensified the demands of the Law with his rigorous ethic of
renunciation and self-denial. However, at the same time his
central stress on love and forgiveness opened the community to the
very people who had moral difficulties in these areas. Therefore,
as befits a biographical narrative, we must now turn from Jesus'
teaching to confront this paradox in his activity and
behaviour.
Jesus' example
Jesus' demanding ethical teaching on things like money, sex and
power should require very high standards from those around him,
with the result that ordinary fallible human beings would find him
uncomfortable. However, when we turn from his words to the
biographical narrative of his activity, the converse is true. It is
religious leaders and guardians of morality who found him
uncomfortable, while he keeps company with all sorts of sinners -
precisely the people who are not keeping his demanding ethic. He
is criticized as 'a glutton and a drunkard, a friend of tax
collectors and sinners' (Matt. 11.19 // Luke 7.34). He accepts
people just as they are and proclaims that they are forgiven
without the need to go to the temple or offer sacrifice. His
healing ministry is directed towards such people and the
eucharistic words at the Last Supper suggest that he saw his
forthcoming death as being 'for' them. A biographical approach
means that it is not enough simply to look at Jesus' words and
moral teachings; to be properly biblical involves facing the
paradox that he delivers his ethical teaching in the company of
sinners whom he accepts, loves and heals. Furthermore, a major
purpose of ancient biography was mimesis, the practice of
imitation, of following the subject's virtues. This is reinforced
by the Jewish habit of ma'aseh, precedence, where the
disciple is expected to observe and imitate his master as a way of
imitating Torah and ultimately becoming holy as God is holy.
Therefore, to imitate Jesus, it is not enough simply to extract his
ethical teaching from the Sermon on the Mount; we must also imitate
his loving acceptance of others, especially the marginalized,
within an open and inclusive community.
Paul
The Pauline letters occupy about a quarter of the New Testament,
and contain a wide range of ethical material, dealing with many
moral issues. Yet we can still discern the same basic outline as
with Jesus. It is still supremely an ethic of response, even
though Jesus' preaching of the kingdom has become proclaiming Jesus
as king, so that Christology is central for Paul's theology and
ethics. Paul's demand for a response to what God is doing is the
same, with the same centrality of the love command, seen as
fulfilling the law, to be lived out within a community of other
disciples in corporate solidarity as the body of Christ. The
particular ethical issues handled cover similar topics such the
state, sex, marriage and divorce, money, property and poverty, and
the various forms of human relationships. In all of these, Paul
makes rigorous ethical demands, yet also refers to the mixed nature
of his early communities. Throughout, he constantly appeals to his
readers to 'be imitators of me, as I am of Christ' (1 Cor. 11.1;
see also Gal. 4.12; 1 Thess. 1.6). Exactly what they are to
imitate is made explicit in Rom. 15.1-7, where he tells his early
Christians to 'bear with the failings of the weak' and not to
please themselves 'as Christ did not please himself'. He appeals
to them to welcome others 'just as Christ has welcomed you'.
Paul is often seen as uncomfortable reading for those wanting
open debate in an inclusive community today. Yet our biographical
approach suggests that this is precisely how we should read Paul -
as following the creative complementarity of Jesus' rigorous and
demanding ethics together with his acceptance of sinners within his
community. As the biographical genre of the gospels means that we
should take Jesus' deeds and example into account as much as his
words, so the epistolary genre of Paul's letters directs us to set
his ethical teaching within the contingent context of his early
Christian communities. As Jesus' pastoral acceptance of 'sinners'
means that his demanding teaching cannot be applied in an exclusive
manner, so too Paul's ethical teaching must always be balanced by
his appeal to the imitation of Christ - and this entails accepting
others as we have been accepted.
The four gospels
Space and time do not permit us to go through each of the
gospels and the rest of the New Testament tonight. However, this
same combination of words and deeds can be found here also. Each
evangelist has a particular ethical slant in his account of Jesus.
Thus Mark stresses the ethic of discipleship in the context of
eschatological suffering; Matthew demonstrates how Jesus is the
truly righteous interpreter of the law; Luke depicts his universal
concern especially for the marginalized, while John portrays Jesus
as the divine love who brings truth into our world. These
different emphases all reflect how Christology is central in their
four portraits, but each of them also combines words and deeds, as
Jesus' moral teaching takes place in the narrative context of his
acceptance of people within an open and inclusive community. All
of this is then set forth in their biographical narrative for us to
emulate and imitate the example of Jesus' ethical concern and
loving acceptance.
How did the debate about slavery change?
Given this rapid tour of how the New Testament ethical material
must be set within the context of an inclusive community to
interpret the Bible, let us now go back to discover how the slavery
debate changed. Wilberforce, Granville Sharp, the Clarkson
brothers and the Clapham sect used an information campaign to get
the British people and the members of Parliament to understand the
reality of the slave trade, rather than the myths which abounded.
Central was a concern to see the slave as a fellow human being:
thus they issued medallions designed by Josiah Wedgwood inscribed
with the slogan over a picture of a slave, saying, Am I not a
man and a brother?'
[30]
Olaudah Equiano, the freed, educated former
slave from Ghana, had his story printed and distributed in 1789
(rapidly becoming a best-seller), so that people could read about
his experience. Although John Newton was converted on May
12th 1748 and experienced further spiritual awakening a
year later, he still continued to work in the slave trade for
several more years until 1754. However, his decisive contribution
came 33 years later when he wrote down his experiences as
Thoughts Upon the African Slave Trade(1787). Thus, if there
was biblical study driving the abolitionists, it was a result of
reading and re-reading their Bibles in the light of that listening
to the experience of former slaves and slave-traders. In other
words, they imitated Jesus' example of doing biblical ethics within
the context of an inclusive community - and the crucial change came
as a result of having admitted the excluded group into the
discussion.
How did the understanding of apartheid as 'biblical'
change?
Biblical interpretation is never a private matter but needs to
be validated by the community of believers. The problem is that the
pro-apartheid account of 'human relations in the light of
scripture' came out of a bible-reading prayerful Christian
community, the Dutch Reformed Church, supported by the best
biblical scholars in their land. When I asked a professor at
Stellenbosch University how the DRC got it so wrong, he explained
that it was because the authorities would not listen to the voices
of 'outsiders' such as other world reformed churches, and also
that they stifled the protests 'inside' the church, including
whites such as Beyers Naude and the pleas of the blacks. That same
professor set up the Centre for Contextual Hermeneutics at
Stellenbosch in 1991 and it was as biblical interpretation was
related to its political and social context that things began to
change. Subsequently, a very important development has been the
work of Professor Gerald West with his Institute for the Study
of the Bible at the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal in
Pietermaritzburg. Here he has pioneered a method of enabling the
voices of what he terms 'ordinary readers' to be heard alongside
those of biblical scholars and church authorities. Once again,
therefore, we see the effect of admitting the excluded group, the
ordinary black readers in their social context, into the community
of those interpreting the Bible and how this led to change. It is
very exciting that Archbishop Rowan has invited Professor West to
coordinate all the biblical aspects for next year's Lambeth
Conference, both the preparatory material and the actual Bible
studies next July.
It is also significant that after the first elections, President
Mandela invited Archbishop Tutu to chair the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. Here too, there was an opportunity to
listen to the experiences of all involved, from all sides, blacks,
whites and coloured, oppressors and oppressed, victims and
torturers alike, so that a full understanding could take place.
The testimony of the representatives of various churches about
their use of the Bible is interesting. Thus Dominee Freek
Swanepoel from the Dutch Reformed Church admitted that 'the church
had erred seriously with the Biblical foundation of the forced
segregation of people. . . . We have indeed taught our people
wrongly with regard to apartheid as a Biblical instruction.'
[31]
This is just one powerful example of many
places where church representatives confessed that their previous
claim to be biblical was wrong. Again this all followed from
admitting the excluded group to the discussion about what the Bible
really says.
How might the current debate over sexuality change?
Finally therefore, let us return to where we started to see
whether this study of slavery and its recent manifestation in
apartheid can help the controversy in the church over sexuality.
Currently one side claims that their view is biblical in all their
rhetoric, while the other stresses the need to be an inclusive
church. While some of the scriptural passages to which reference
is made are about 'order' in a similar manner to those in the
debates about slavery and apartheid, the situation is not exactly
the same, which means that some attempts to relate these two topics
of sexuality and slavery do not work. Thus during the anniversary
period, some suggested that as the church overcame biblical claims
about slavery two hundred years ago, it just needs to do the same
now about sexuality. Such arguments are too simplistic. Equally,
others view the debate in the same terms as apartheid, namely that
the biblical claim for apartheid was a cover for racial prejudice
and that we must resist prejudice about sexual orientation
similarly. In fact, I have demonstrated that the biblical argument
to support apartheid was actually much more than mere prejudice and
it needed careful consideration in an inclusive community of
interpretation. Similarly, the scriptural material to do with
human sexuality is also very complex, and easy claims by either
side to be biblical should not be accepted at face value.
There is some negative material about homosexuality in the Old
Testament, especially within the legislation of Leviticus. Thus it
is forbidden in Lev. 18.22, but then so is heterosexual intercourse
during menstruation in 18.19; similarly the death penalty is
prescribed for homosexuality in Lev. 20.13, but it is also required
for dishonouring or speaking badly about parents a few verses
earlier in 20.9. Such material requires careful analysis to
explain why this one issue of sexuality is to be singled out today
but not the others. Similarly, homosexuality appears in various
vice-lists in Paul's letters, such as 1 Cor. 6.9-10, but the words
used are unusual and still debated among biblical scholars;
meanwhile, once again many other sins are also listed, yet they do
not seem to be the focus of great international campaigns.
Equally, the often quoted verses about homosexuality in Romans
1.24-27 also lead into another vice-list in 1.28-32, in which many
people including 'gossips, slanderers, the insolent . . . and
those who are rebellious towards parents . . . deserve to die' -
yet no one is campaigning for the death penalty for these. There
is nothing about homosexuality in Jesus' teaching, beyond his
stress on one flesh in his answer forbidding divorce (Mark
10.1-12); it is rather curious for interpreters in a church which
permits divorce to use such passages to forbid homosexuality.
Therefore, neither the claim by one side that the biblical teaching
is conclusively negative, nor the suggestion by the other that it
is simple prejudice on a level with apartheid should be accepted at
face value. Much further and careful study of the scriptures is
needed as it was about slavery and about apartheid - but such study
needs to be undertaken in an inclusive community where the voices
of those who have been marginalized need to be heard.
Earlier I stressed the importance of combining words and deeds,
holding scriptural teaching together with the example given in the
rest of the narrative. The biblical teaching about the ethics of
sexuality may not be immediately conclusive - but Jesus' example of
his acceptance of those who were marginalized and excluded is
clear. Equally, I argued that despite his strong moral demands in
his letters, Paul also stressed the importance of maintaining an
inclusive community with particular regard for weaker brothers and
sisters who are to be accepted as we have been accepted. Paul's
call to imitate Jesus is also reinforced by the biographical genre
of the gospels with their concern for mimesis, or imitation
of the example of their subject. This all means that those who
want to be biblical must maintain an inclusive community of
interpretation to discover God's will together through detailed
study of what it means to be biblical.
Those who claim to be biblical often quote the 1998 Lambeth
Conference resolution 1.10 because it affirms that 'homosexual
practice is incompatible with Scripture'. However, other important
parts of that same resolution commit the church 'to listen to the
experience of homosexual persons' who 'regardless of sexual
orientation, are full members of the Body of Christ'. Thus the
Archbishop has asked Canon Phil Groves to facilitate the 'listening
process' around the Communion, some of which has been recently
published. This is also why the Private Member debates in General
Synod in February were important. Contrasting attempts by both
sides to force a decision as each wanted were forestalled by
amendments from the House of Bishops. Yet these replacements were
themselves significantly amended to acknowledge the
importance of lesbian and gay members of the Church of England
participating in the listening process as full members of the
Church' in an open, full and Godly dialogue about human
sexuality'. Such listening processes and godly dialogue are what
is needed if we are to imitate the example of Jesus.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I have argued that to be truly biblical, we have
to imitate Jesus' teaching and his example, his deeds as well as
his words. Jesus' demanding ethical teaching cannot be appreciated
separately from his behaviour and activity. Both the biographical
genre of the gospels on the one hand, and the ancient idea of
imitation and Jewish rabbinic precedent on the other, suggest that
Jesus' teaching must be earthed in his practical example, both of
calling people to repentance and discipleship - but also his open
acceptance of sinners, with whom he spent his life and for whom he
died. Unfortunately, all too often those who do New Testament
Ethics today end up doing one or the other: that is, teaching a
rigorist ethic with extreme demands which seems condemnatory and
alienates people - or having an open acceptance and being accused
of having no ethics at all! Seeking to follow Jesus in becoming
both 'perfect' and 'merciful' as God is perfect and merciful
(compare Matt. 5.48 with Luke 6.36) is not an easy balance to
maintain, but one which is vital if we are to be properly
biblical.
To study the scriptures requires the context of an open and
inclusive community of interpretation. The movement for the
abolition of the slave trade could only discuss what the Bible
really said about slavery once slaves and former slave traders were
present and their experiences were heard. Similarly, change in
South Africa about apartheid as 'human relations in the light of
scripture' needed the 'voices of protest', with blacks present in
the Bible studies and their experiences being recounted. Equally,
over recent years, we have struggled to read and re-read the Bible
about the place of women in church leadership, as deacons, priests
and now as bishops, with women participating in the debate and
their experience being heard - and we still have some way to go
here. The same has been true for debates about human sexuality: in
the middle of the last century, divorce was not permissible and
remarriage in church was not allowed - on biblical grounds. But
through the debates and reports of the 1960s, 70s and 80s, the
experience of marital breakdown was heard and listened to - and
then our understanding of a biblical approach for compassion and
care changed how church treated divorcees.
Only such an open and inclusive community which includes
homosexuals and listens to their experience can really grapple with
what the biblical teaching is. This is how my biographical
approach to Jesus and the gospels, indeed to the whole New
Testament, applies to ethical debates. It requires attention to
imitating Jesus' words and deeds, to hear the biblical teachings
within the context of an open and inclusive community - and this
applies to sexuality as much as to slavery and to apartheid. Such a
debate would be a fitting tribute to the memory of Dean Eric Abbott
and his own attempts to be inclusive as a 'friend of many',
concerned 'for all peoples'. Such a debate within an inclusive
community is the only way forward for us today if we truly want to
maintain a claim to 'being biblical'.
.
.
.
3
Philip Turner, 'The Episcopal Preference', First Things
137 (November 2003), pp. 28-33.
.
4
It is interesting how the major full discussions of the
abolition of the trade all seem to ignore the question of the
biblical debate; see, for example, Judith Jennings, The Business
of Abolishing the British Slave Trade 1783-1807 (London: Frank
Cass, 1997); Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery
1776-1848 (London: Verso, 1988); C. Duncan Rice, The Rise
and Fall of Black Slavery (London: Macmillan, 1975); Suzanne
Miers, Britain and the ending of the slave trade (London:
Longman, 1975); David Eltis and James Walvin (eds.), The
Abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Origins and Effects in
Europe, Africa, and the Americas (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1981).
.
.
6
See Simon Schama, Rough Crossings, the Slaves and the
American Revolution (London: BBC Books, 2005) for a full
account.
.
7
For interesting discussion of Paul's approach to slavery, see
Dale B. Martin, Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in
Pauline Christianity (Yale University Press, 1990) and Richard
A. Horsley, 'Paul and Slavery: A Critical Alternative to Recent
Readings' in Slavery in Text and Interpretation, (eds.)
Allen Dwight Callahan, Richard A. Horsley and Abraham Smith,
Semeia 83/84 (Society of Biblical Literature, 1988), pp.
153-200; the rest of this volume of Semeia contains a number
of other relevant articles.
.
8
See especially Iveson L. Brookes, A Defence of the South
Against the Reproaches and Incroachments of the North: In Which
Slavery is Shown to be an Institution of God Intended to Form the
Basis of the Best Social State and the Only Safeguard to the
Permanence of a Republican Government (Hamburg SC: at the
Republican Office, 1850), p. 28.
.
9
Wayne A. Meeks, 'The "Haustafeln" and American Slavery: A
Hermeneutical Challenge' in E. H. Lovering and J. L. Sumney,
Theology and Ethics in Paul and His Interpreters: Essays in
Honor of Victor Paul Furnish (Abingdon: Nashville, 1996), pp.
232-53; Willard M. Swartley, Slavery, Sabbath, War and Women:
Case Issues in Biblical Interpretation (Scottdale: Herald
Press, 1983), pp. 31-64.
.
10
Wayne A. Meeks, 'The Haustafeln" and American Slavery: A
Hermeneutical Challenge', p. 245.
.
11
Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments Comprising the
Writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe,
and Cartwright on This Important Subject, (ed.) E. N. Elliot
(1860 original; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969),
containing The Argument from the Scriptures' by Albert Taylor
Bledsoe, LLD; 'The Bible Argument: or, Slavery in the Light of
Divine Revelation', by Thornton Stringfellow, DD, pp. 457-521; 'The
Bible Argument on Slavery' by Charles B. Hodge, DD, pp. 841-77;
similarly George D. Armstrong, DD, The Christian Doctrine of
Slavery (1857 original; reprint, New York: Negro Universities
Press, 1969) 'devotes its 148 pages almost exclusively to the
exposition of pertinent New Testament texts'; see Swartley,
Slavery, Sabbath, War and Women, pp. 31-37, 278-9.
.
12
Swartley, Slavery, Sabbath, War and Women, pp.
58-59.
.
13
Bledsoe's original is all in capital letters in his 'The
Argument from the Scriptures', in Cotton is King, pp.
379-80; see Swartley, Slavery, Sabbath, War and Women, pp.
49 and 285.
.
14
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, The Rainbow People of God: South
Africa's victory over apartheid, (ed.) John Allen (London:
Bantam, 1995), see pp. 53-78 for the full text of his submission to
the Commission; also John Allen, Rabble-Rouser for Peace: The
Authorised Biography of Desmond Tutu (London: Rider, 2006), pp.
197-8 has further discussion of this investigation.
.
15
Human relations and the South African Scene in the light of
Scripture, Dutch Reformed Church, Cape Town-Pretoria, 1976.
Afrikaans report entitled, Ras, Volk en Nasie en
Volkereverhoudinge indie lig van die Skrif, approved and
accepted by the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church in
October 1974.
.
16
Richard A. Burridge, Imitating Jesus: An Inclusive Approach
to New Testament Ethics (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, due Nov
2007).
.
17
Richard A. Burridge, What are the Gospels? A Comparison
with Graeco-Roman Biography SNTS MS 70 (Cambridge University
Press 1992, 1995); revised second edition (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
2004).
.
18
For such a four-fold approach to ethical material, see, for
example, James M. Gustafson, 'The Place of Scripture in Christian
Ethics: A Methodological Study, Interpretation 24 (1970)
430-455, esp. pp 439-44; Richard B. Hays, The Moral Vision of
the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament
Ethics (HarperSanFrancisco/ Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996),
p. 209.
.
19
Human relations and the South African Scene in the light of
Scripture; see pp. 14-15 on Gen. 1.28.
.
20 Human relations and the South African
Scene in the light of Scripture, pp. 93-99.
.
21
J. A. Loubser, The Apartheid Bible: A Critical Review of
Racial Theology in South Africa (Cape Town: Maskew Miller
Longman, 1987), pp. ix-x.
.
22
Willem S. Vorster, The use of Scripture and the NG Kerk:
a shift of paradigm or of values?' in New Faces of Africa:
Essays in honour of Ben (Barend Jacobus) Marais, (eds.) J. W.
Hofmeyr and W. S. Vorster (Pretoria: UNISA, 1984), pp. 204-219,
quotations from pp. 210 and 212; see also the discussion by D J
Smit, 'The Ethics of Interpretation - and South Africa'
Scriptura33 (1990) pp. 29-43.
.
23
Human relations and the South African Scene in the light of
Scripture, pp. 14-15.
.
24 Bax, 'The Bible and apartheid 2', chapter
9 in Apartheid is a heresy, eds. J de Gruchy and C Villa
Vicencio (Cape Town: David Philip / Guildford: Lutterworth, 1983),
pp. 112-43; see pp. 128-130.
.
25
See for example, John W. de Gruchy, The Church Struggle in
South Africa: Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Edition(Minneapolis:
Fortress, 2005), pp. 171-4, and Michael Battle, Reconciliation:
The Ubuntu Theology of Desmond Tutu(Cleveland, Ohio: Pilgrim
Press, 1997), pp. 31-2.
.
26
See Zolile Mbali, The Churches and Racism: A Black South
African Perspective (London: SCM, 1987), pp. 191-93; on a
research visit to the University of Pretoria, I was moved by the
way Prof. Jan van der Watt of its Theology Faculty was able to tell
me the story of Blood River twice, once from the Afrikaner
perspective, and again from the Zulus' - both viewpoints equally
persuasive.
.
27
Gerrie Snyman, Social Identity and South African
Biblical Hermeneutics: A Struggle Against Prejudice?'
JTSA121 (March 2005), pp. 34-55; quotation from p.
39.
.
28
Richard A. Burridge, What are the Gospels? A Comparison
with Graeco-Roman Biography; see chapter 10.
.
29 Dale Goldsmith, New Testament Ethics:
An Introduction (Elgin, IL: Brethren Press, 1988), Appendix 1,
'Jesus the Teacher', pp. 177-180; quotation from p. 177; see also,
'Jesus Christ was the world's greatest teacher of righteousness',
C. W. Carter and R. D. Thompson, The Biblical Ethic of Love,
American University Studies Series 7: Theology and Religion 79
(Lang, 1990), p. 128.
.
30
Pictured, for example in Schama, Rough Crossings, plate
9, pp. 192-93, or Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial
Slavery, pp. 139-40.
.
31
Taken from the Research Institute on Christianity in South
Africa (RICSA) transcripts of the TRC hearings in East London, Nov.
17-19, 1997, pp. 246-65; see also, Facing the Truth: South
African Faith Communities and the Truth & Reconciliation
Commission, James Cochrane, John de Gruchy and Stephen Martin
(eds.), (Cape Town; David Philip, 1998), which contains details of
the written submissions, oral testimony and witnesses, as well as a
number of reflective essays; and Denise M. Ackermann, 'Faith
Communities Face the Truth', JTSA 103 (March 1999), pp.
88-93.